- Article mis en avant
- ET ACTION DANS L DOCUMENT PDF Original - Free E-Book Download
- Association Française de Sciences sociales des Religions
- La liberté de manifestation dans l’espace public en droit comparé
- La burqa, la femme et l’Etat
Jean Garrigues , Boulanger, ou la fabrique de l'homme providentiel Sudhir Hazareesingh , Mort et Transfiguration : la renaissance du mythe gaulllien en novembre Yann Rigolet , L'homme providentiel est-il une femme? Anne Deysine , Obama, homme providentiel? Paul Airiau , L'autonomie des politiques envers les conseillers. Dictionnaire biographique , 3 vol. Patrice Gueniffey, Le Dix-huit Brumaire. David Bellamy. Le tempo singulier des pratiques ordinaires de la mobilisation collective Marie-Laure Basilien-Gainche , Le juge communautaire et la loi nationale. Les fondateurs et fondatrices de l'Europe.
Olivier Tort , Droite et jeunesse sous la Restauration : des termes antinomiques? Le moment Berlusconi , Paris, Perrin, Le point de vue des politiques. Comment le socialisme s'est-il nourri du parlementarisme? Vers la professionalisation. Serge Berstein , Conclusions. L'espace des chercheurs. Le cas andalou Edouard Husson , Sonderweg et monde rural. La politique vue autrement. Discours parlementaires. Discours et enjeux. Laurent Dornel, La France hostile.
Des partageux aux gauchistes , Paris, Belin, Alexis de Tocqueville, Lettres choisies. These questions are explored through a comparison of the launch and spread of the concept of 'mainstreaming' as opposed to that of 'diversity'.
Article mis en avant
The concept of "identity" has been one of the most stimulating to characterize the new ways of collective action and to explain the contributions of social movements since the eighties. Collective identity is considered here as a social construction in continuous elaboration Melucci.
The goal of this paper is to show some of the problems of the identity concept in order to understand the variety of theoretical viewpoints of contemporaneous feminism. If we reduce such a variety to the distinction between difference or cultural feminism and egalitarian feminism, we find that whereas the first one does promote theses and practices related to the "feminine identity", the equality feminisms from the liberal to the radical seek to deconstruct what they name generic identities.
In the last years there have been in some of Spanish major cities mobilisations with different degrees of organisation that have led to the consolidation of dense grassroots networks co-operating to demand and often achieve development programs for their neighbourhoods. The outcomes that are relevant for this pannel are three: 1 The whole process of consolidation of the networks which are formed by grassroots organisations of different kinds. How the aims and the roles are successfully negotiated and consensuated in a context of certain competition and rivalry between the non-profits a for obtaining public resources i.
What organisational variables contribute to success?
- The Girl Who Didnt Believe in Mistletoe.
- Chili Peppers - Volume 2!
- Quick Picks;
- Shadows of Angels and Demons.
- European Values: Trends and Divides Over Thirty Years by Pierre Brechon.
- Religion, culte ou opinion religieuse : la politique des révolutionnaires - Persée?
New models of urban governance, some of them unique in Europe have come out of this experiences. Which are the strategies used by the movements to deal with the authorities? What is the role of institutional and political culture background in these cases? To what extend local identity has played a substantial role in the organisation and consolidation of these movements?twinchantterwgo.gq
ET ACTION DANS L DOCUMENT PDF Original - Free E-Book Download
Can emotion theory help us understand culture jamming as a social movement? Culture jamming is a movement against global corporate power that experiments with forms of activism contingent upon consumer culture and late capitalism. Its practitioners benefit from a rich symbolic and cultural capital, media knowledge and technological skills. They are highly individualized though collectively oriented, thus also challenging the notion of "collective" action. The analysis draws on data from one central text - Culture Jam by Kalle Lasn - and from interviews with some culture jamming groups based in New York.
Association Française de Sciences sociales des Religions
I argue that culture jamming is emotionally motivated as well as cognitive. Culture Jam by Lasn targets an American structure of emotions that feeds into consumer culture, and his call for revolt against the latter necessitates liberation of suppressed emotions, like rage or anger. Recovering the bond to real experiences and real emotions, the culture jamming promises to transform shame, guilt and "postmodern cynicism" into anger, pride and joy.
The interviews also show that embracing ambivalence as a necessary contemporary condition, culture jamming helps alleviate guilt and shame connected to the social position held by practitioners. They have access to relative wealth and power, and their professions are reproductive of consumer culture. Jammers further relate to "real activists" and express both guilt and pride in being different from them. Emotions account for a large part of this demarcation. I conclude that emotions explain the shape and content of culture jamming as political activism.
Moreover, while culture jamming seems to result in very limited concrete political impact, emotional rewards are probably the main reasons for being a culture jammer. Faced with the present predominance of knowledge and information technology, the powers-that-be and the social institutions which embody them are being subjected to profound tensions which are gradually transforming their very make-up.
I am interested in reflecting on the institutions around which modern man has built up his personal and collective identity: religion, politics and work. The question I would like to answer is whether, alongside the traditional forms of collective identity proffered by said social institutions, there exist in advanced societies new sources of identity and sense.
The hypothesis I should like to defend in the brief space accorded by this communication, states that globalization is the contemporary embodiment of a new or renewed economy which dominates - or is in the process of dominating - other productive patterns. The processes of transformation generated by globalization are eroding traditional institutional patterns and bringing into play a powerful social restructuring affecting the structure of society , which in turn produces new socio-political mobilizations and encourages the appearance of social movements bearing new values.
Amongst these, I am interested in those social movements with a greater capacity for producing collective identities and transforming values in society, in order to find out whether they contain the seeds of new personal and collective identities. Indeed the network method is necessarily based on fixing relationships at a particular moment. In contrast, this paper examines the evolution of groups using direct action in Manchester, Oxford and North Wales over the past thirty years.
La liberté de manifestation dans l’espace public en droit comparé
Drawing from a rich set of enthographic data the paper examines the ideological framework shared by left-wing and anarchistic groups involved in direct action in each area. Continuities are explored through analysis of interpersonal ties between activists from different generations and change is explored through evidence of changes in movement frames, practices and repertoires.
The authors argue that the processes of evolution can be analysed as a process of collective learning across distinct political generations. These processes have built capacity for direct action which helps to explain its resurgence in recent years. Local activist communities cut across the usual boundaries between movements such as the women's, peace and green movements and are best defined by analysis of patterns of involvement by particular social groups in a series of campaigns over time.
Thus the local activist community provides a qualification to approaches to movements based on particular identities or issues such as feminism, environmentalism or pacifism. Our paper will provide evidence to supplement the existing studies of multiple activist involvements, but based on radical groups who have rarely been the subject of systematic study. We also show that such groups often have more ties to activists in more conventional groups such as local community groups and political parties than is often assumed. While the emphasis of the paper is on charting internal evolution, these have to be weighed against national and global factors.
Inter alia, we show the increased intensity and regularity of international contacts by activists in these three communities and the increased importance of global institutions as targets of protest action. We argue that these ideologies contain contrasting and partly innovative conceptions of community. Three main conceptions of community are seen as emerging, which are characterised by a different role of the territory: 1 One is a cosmopolitan non-territorial conception.
As corollary of these views we witness an emerging Anti-Americanism, which also related to more general anti-American sentiments diffusing in the European population at large. Anti-americanism has a strategic value for the movement. In this light the paper considers anti-Americanism as an emerging cultural opportunity with which to address the decline of other movements' opportunities and promote social movements cross-sectoral alliances.
La burqa, la femme et l’Etat
La nocion de marco ha ganado un lugar privilegiado en el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Since the mids prostitution policy in Spain was basically abolitionist. Prostitution was not defined as a crime. Behaviors related to prostitution, such as promoting the prostitution of others or benefitting from it were considered crimes.
Since , the central state has decriminalized most behaviors related to prostitution. Prostitution policy has increasingly focused on the fight against trafficking women with the purpose of sexually exploiting them. This paper documents the modest role played by the women's movement and gender-equality institutions in the parliamentary debates that preceded the making of the main pieces of legislation on prostitution in post-authoritarian Spain.
Two reasons seem to explain this weak intervention of the movement and gender equality institutions: the low priority given to prostitution by both actors; and the low permeability of Parliament to influences by external agents. First, this article criticizes existing explanations for the demobilization of the Workers Alliance of America from to , which emphasize economic recovery, co-optation, class repression, or psychological expressivism.
Second, it provides a better account, which shows how struggles over classificatory schemes contributed crucially to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance.